{"id":1878,"date":"2025-06-19T21:00:44","date_gmt":"2025-06-19T21:00:44","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/iranians.global\/news\/?p=1878"},"modified":"2025-06-19T21:01:02","modified_gmt":"2025-06-19T21:01:02","slug":"what-uk-involvement-in-iran-could-look-like-and-the-political-questions-it-raises","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/iranians.global\/news\/what-uk-involvement-in-iran-could-look-like-and-the-political-questions-it-raises\/","title":{"rendered":"What UK involvement in Iran could look like \u2013 and the political questions it raises"},"content":{"rendered":"

By Geraint Hughes, Reader in Diplomatic and Military History, King’s College London<\/strong><\/a><\/p>\n

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At the time of writing, US President Donald Trump<\/a> is deliberating over whether to join Israel\u2019s air campaign to destroy Iran\u2019s suspected nuclear weapons programme. This is already a contentious issue within Washington DC and the Trump administration<\/a>. But if the president decides to take the US into a war with Iran, it will have significant implications for the US\u2019s allies, not least the UK.<\/p>\n

As the recent strategic defence review<\/a> emphasises, the US is Britain\u2019s main ally, an essential partner in defence and intelligence.<\/p>\n

However, the Trump administration has made clear to its European allies that it no longer regards the defence<\/a> of the continent<\/a> as a US national security priority. And the president\u2019s commitment to Nato is uncertain<\/a>.<\/p>\n

It is possible that Britain and other European allies could be publicly pressured by Trump to support any intervention on Israel\u2019s side. The US may expect this in return for the US\u2019s continued involvement in Nato and its readiness to honour article 5 (the collective defence principle, which obliges collective retaliation to aggression against one member) for its allies.<\/p>\n

Given the importance of American military power in deterring wider Russian aggression in Europe \u2013 and Trump\u2019s transactional<\/a> character \u2013 this would present Keir Starmer with a particularly stark dilemma.<\/p>\n

A purely US air campaign against Iran is feasible. The US Navy<\/a> will soon have two carrier strike groups in the Middle East region. And the US Air Force\u2019s B2 strategic bombers can launch raids across the globe from bases in the continental US<\/a>.<\/p>\n

The US also has several military bases in the region<\/a>. However, as was the case with the 1991 and 2003 wars with Iraq, Washington DC will need permission from Gulf Arab allies to use them.<\/p>\n

Nonetheless, the Trump administration could request authorisation from the UK\u2019s Labour government to use US airbases in the UK and its overseas territories to support an air campaign against Iran. This would not involve the UK deploying forces, but would require the UK to approve the use of the airbases.<\/p>\n

The Diego Garcia airbase in the Indian Ocean would be a useful asset in this case. But its employment would reopen the controversy<\/a> over its establishment in the 1960s.<\/p>\n

It could also call into question the diplomatic deal<\/a> the UK made with Mauritius last month to cede sovereignty of the Chagos Islands, while keeping this base open. The Mauritians are likely to oppose<\/a> US airstrikes on Iran.<\/p>\n

Britain also has options for direct participation. RAF Typhoon<\/a> jets stationed at Britain\u2019s airbase in Akrotiri, Cyprus<\/a> provided air defence support for Israel during the Iranian missile and drone strikes in April<\/a> and October 2024<\/a>. They could conduct similar missions now.<\/p>\n

But from the Royal Navy\u2019s perspective, it would be difficult to divert the aircraft carrier HMS Prince of Wales<\/a> from its deployment to the Indo-Pacific, partly because the task group it sails with is a multinational one.<\/p>\n